Banksy or Bankboy?

 

Once upon a long time ago humans made art so beautiful that it still speaks to us today. 35,000 years ago Upper Paleolithic people were adorning caves with their impressions of their world. Hertzog’s documentary “Cave of Lost Dreams” takes us deep inside, his commentary is thick with the sensation of being in the presence of those ancient people and it’s their art that brings them so powerfully to us. Expertly painted creatures run across the unhewn contours of the walls, a rockface covered in elegant hand prints sits alongside, a hanging outcrop is decorated with a vulva. From the multi-disciplinary study being undertaken in the Chauvet cave we learn that this was a ritual site that people continually visited for thousands of years. Other material evidence that comes to us from these people are the fragments of a small bone pipe, so if we know little else, we know they had art and music.

The Chauvet paintings show that our ancestors had anticipated the delights of moving pictures- many creatures are multi-legged which, analysts suggest, implied movement in the flicker of firelight. Carbon-dating reveals that the addition of a defining line to a brace of mountain lions occurred five thousand years after the original was drawn. It is no wonder that the researchers say that they dream vividly of wild animals –lions, real and painted and of the cave itself.

The development of human culture through the creative arts is an intriguing cipher: we look at the art throughout our history and the mindset of the time is revealed: religiosity, social conventions, apprehensions of beauty. As our cultures became more complex and class divisions codified our art changed too, it took on public and private forms and spoke to our different realities.

The art of western civilization has gamboled through many transitions in our few thousand years of documented existence and we set great value on this part of our material culture.

At an art opening a few weeks ago in a sleek well-appointed gallery, a woman came up to me as I was looking at an image projected on the wall, “Its crass” she announced squarely to stimulate some debate, I tried to throw her off with some unintelligible remark about Heidigger which made my friend’s husband snort at my bitchiness, but Madam misjudged me and was enthralled, she plied me with her business card and confided that she was a “high brow” investment collector from Sonoma.

I enjoyed the artists’ works in the show, but gallery settings are hard for me, the artworld vibe is difficult for me. I love art but my gut feeling is that art and money mix like oil and water: when fiscal value is invoked, commodity is created and the intangible magic of art begins to disappear.

It is not just that art is has become such a hot investment game, its very nature has become mega-loaded and difficult to define, especially as the last hundred or so years of art has taken so many forms and directions. The conceptual realizations of the last century have left` many feeling excluded, confused, outwitted and ultimately indifferent to art. The visual arts, superseded by film and encased in the business mechanism of the artworld no longer speak to all of us, it’s a privileged relationship mediated through education and wealth, cozy for insiders, bewildering and redundant for the uninitiated.

In 1917 when Marcel Duchamp gave up painting and exhibited Fountain, a readymade urinal, he scandalously proposed that everything can be art. Duchamp wasn’t the only intellectual that was challenging the perspective of art, the Surrealists, the Dadaists, the Cubists (to name a few) were diversifying the forms of art to address the proliferation of cultural expression. This trend led through the last century and gave us a dizzying array of artistic forms and our appreciation was reflected in the price of ownership. Duchamp himself retired from being an artist early in life, and concentrated his creativity on chess, particularly the “endgame”. Chess, he said was better than art because it could not be commercialized. He did remain involved in the development of art though, advising gallerists and collectors and founding the Societe Anonyme in 1920 with Katherine Dreier and Man Ray to promote the public’s understanding of modern art.

Chances are, whether you are interested in art or not, that you’ve heard of Banksy: a street artist, a self-created brand, his career was not kick-started by a savvy art dealer nor endorsed by critics. His earliest works were made on public and private property in his hometown of Bristol, sometime later his work started to appear in London and from there to cities all over the world. Stencil artwork and written edicts, comments, jokes and anonymity have been his trademarks- cute rats, picturesque children and acute one-liners [“Watch out for the Crap!” on the steps of the Tate on the occasion of the 2002 Turner Prize].  Banksy’s stencil work is very nicely done and his messages are easy to understand, thus he has many fans, some of whom have a lot of money and pay artworld prices for his work. The work he continues to do on the street is free of charge and his legal identity remains under wraps.

Last year’s Exit Through the Gift Shop was Banksy’s first showing as a filmmaker and he didn’t disappoint; the story of Mr. Brainwash’s haphazard and meteoric rise shows how Banksy has busted the artworld’s cartel-style money-making scenario, and the luminous dealers and museum directors have been, as the kids say, molded.

Through the exuberant and irreverent creativity of Banksy and his compadres, Street Art, formerly known as graffiti, (around since there have been surfaces to adorn) has finally managed to kick the art establishment’s time-honored pre-digital control mechanism to the curb. Ever since the internet revolutionized our communicative abilities, street artworks, which used to suffer from a rapid onset of obscurity, due to generally being painted out in a matter of hours or days, now has an eternal home online and has consequently aggregated a massive audience.

Banksy, Shep Fairey, Faile, Nick X, Conor Harrington, Paul Insect and Escif, to name a few, fetch prices at auction that match and often outstrip the market value of artists who’ve ascended through the conventional gallery system.It seems that the blend of street art’s situationist flavor combined with a blatant disregard for establishment approval has won the hearts of the public.

Not everybody loves Banksy though, the only debate among serious art commentators is whether or not Banksy is an artist at all. I’m familiar with the flim-flammery of art establishment attitudes so this doesn’t surprise me:  I fully understand how the business of art defines and defends it’s pitch. An unholy triad decides what is and isn’t art, namely, art dealers (commercial gallerists), the intellectuals (art institution honchos and their representatives) and the collectors. What enters the annals of the history of art is endorsed by the approval of these groups: a dealer invests his money and reputation and gets behind an artist, the collectors buy the work and then somewhere down the line the institutional establishment shows them too. Often the institution and the dealers collude and the artist’s rise is all the more meteoric… Accordingly contemporary artists often reference this mechanism and other weirdness around originality etc with the art they make, and to understand what they’re trying to say you’d better have some grounding in philosophy and the history of art. If you’re interested and you have a bunch of cash (think hedge fund) an art dealer will befriend you and fill in the blanks, so you too can drink the wine and shoot the shit confidently down at the gallery.  It’s a business and a monopoly, and in my view, utterly not what art is about.

I’m disappointed that Banksy’s contribution is so slapped down and disregarded by the mainstream art press. Banksy is their elephant in the room, perhaps even their nemesis.  Nevertheless Banksy called it — he wanted to engage the artworld on their territory and did so when he moved  from illegal street art to illegal gallery display: having first focused on the general public who walk the streets in 2003 he turned to the perceived art audience with his crass placement of  “UK Crimewatch has Ruined the Countryside for All of Us” ( acrylic on canvas, 2003) in the Tate Gallery. Critics barricaded the doors against him, Jonathan Jones , art critter for The Guardian, full of bile, wrote a show-off article about how as one of the Turner Prize judges  he’d never nominate Banksy or any street artist, snottily he wrote:

“The reason I don’t like street art is that it’s not aesthetic, it’s social. To celebrate it is to celebrate ignorance, aggression, all the things our society excels at.”

I wonder if anybody called Jones out on that as he scoffed canapés and sucked down his wine at the Tate’s 2008 Street Art exhibit, which featured a wide selection of street art but notably not Banksy’s.  Lewisohn, the curator of that show on the exterior walls of the museum, weakly explained away Banksy’s absence saying that the audience was already well-acquainted with Banksy’s work and had sought to bring a selection of street art from other countries and cities into view. Maybe Banksy preferred to outshine the Tate show with his Cans Festival:  staged just before the opening of the Tate show, in an abandoned tunnel near Waterloo station, it featured the work of  30 street artists and was visited by 28,000 people in three days. Perhaps world’s most blatant anti-capitalist artist was flipping off the establishment endorsed show with it’s corporate sponsorship budget.

The blunt charge of anti-intellectualism which disbars Banksy from the elite ‘real art’ club is difficult to take seriously –- really? Banksy’s graffiti is inane but Emin’s sprawling signage “My Cunt is Wet with Fear” or Hirst’s spin paintings are somehow not? I predict that as Banksy’s work soars in value, establishment attitudes towards his artistic credibility will change. As Banksy has noted himself, “Galleries are just trophy cabinets for a handful of millionaires. The public never has any real say in what art they see.”

As the value of his work rises I predict that the artworld’s issues with his artistic credibility will continue to dissipate. Damien Hirst, currently the art establishment’s most canny moneyman, invested early in Banksy and has also collaborated with him on salable works. Soon enough one of those insider artworld outlets will bring Banksy into the fold and poor Jonathan Jones will have to figure out another way to get back onto the gallery supper A-list.

I liked Banksy straight away: irreverent and audacious on all appreciable levels, aesthetically pleasing and populist, (no need for a degree in the history of art to get Banksy’s message)  daringly  Situationist, (surprising peeps with art in their generally inane environment). He is bold and strangely modest in his anonymity, he comes across as a smart, anti-capitalist stoner type, I suspect he knows a lot about art history.

On good days I believe that Banksy really is fully inspired to liberate Art, the captive muse of capitalism. We have heard his art statement: art is everybody’s and you can say whatever you want, wherever you want. But does it ring true when your work is selling for megabucks in commercial galleries and auction houses?

On the one hand I understand that Banksy’s street art needs a considerable budget, beyond materials, the work’s execution has expenses which might run to: international flights and accommodations, assistants, cars, trucks, ladders, coffees, sandwiches and big bags of weed. Pricing a month-long trip to Palestine for three people, fifty thousand dollars seemed to be a reasonable estimate, this kind of cash must be coming from a steady stream of  artworld sales.  There is no crime in earning a living from art, Banksy’s official website states clearly that the artist is not represented by any gallery, galleries sell his work ‘second-hand’, inferring that the artist is just taking his cut. Well, kinda.

I see that he walks a fine line and that he is the fifth column in contemporary art.  While still putting art on the streets he also organizes exhibitions on his own terms  and accepts invitations from institutions where and when he pleases. The art that he embellished the segregation wall in Palestine shows me just how true his artistic aim is and his support, (moral and financial) of dissident street art groups, like the Russian group Voina, underlines his position.

Back in the Sixties Bruce Nauman made his spiral neon sculpture “The True Artist Helps the World by Revealing Mystic Truths” (neon, clear glass tubing suspension supports, 1967)  it’s a powerful piece, neon, at the time was used exclusively for  commercial displays, Nauman took neon and transplanted it into the territory of art and used it to remind us about the real message that artists try to impart.

For me the pudding-eating proof that Banksy is indeed a consummate artist is that he has given back a sense of self-determination to the viewer, breathing life into the  mystic truth of  an art environment where everybody is entitled to their opinion. It seems to me that in a decade or so, this shady figure has leveled the playing field and created a new agenda for art. When the conventional artworld stuck a player’s price tag on his work instead of fully capitulating to the establishment Banksy sidestepped to empower his  art paradigm.

One of my earliest memories is sitting on a little black toolbox in our garage, watching my Dad stone-carving. I was rapt as his chisel moved through the stone creating the whorl of a rose or the head of a lion. I knew the wonder of art as a child but when I was a curator and an art dealer I lost my connection to what art really meant to me.

Thanks to Banksy, the artist who dares to call the endgame moves on the artworld, I got it back.

SATURDAY POETRY SERIES PRESENTS: DOROTHEA GROSSMAN

THE TWO TIMES I LOVED YOU THE MOST IN A CAR
by Dorothea Grossman

It was your idea
to park and watch the elephants
swaying among the trees
like royalty
at that make-believe safari
near Laguna.
I didn’t know anything that big
could be so quiet.

And once, you stopped
on a dark desert road
to show me the stars
climbing over each other
riotously
like insects
like an orchestra
thrashing its way
through time itself
I never saw light that way
again.


(“The Two Times I Loved You the Most In A Car” previously appeared in Poetry Magazine and Askew Poetry, and is reprinted here today with permission from the poet.)


Dorothea Grossman: I have no bio for Dorothea Grossman, who is a bit of an enigma, but you can read an interview with her from Poetry Magazine here.

Editor’s Note: Some poems speak for themselves. And if the poet herself doesn’t need a bio, perhaps it’s evidence that this poem doesn’t need me to say much, if anything, on its behalf. I will say only that I love the simplicity, the way this poem evokes a kind of nostalgia that most everyone can relate to, and I must compliment the poet on a killer end line.

Want to read more by and about Dorothea Grossman?
Poetry Magazine
The Outlaw Poetry Network
Video: Dorothea Grossman and Michael Vlatkovich

“The Arizona Way or the American Way?” by Mark Budman

Since I am a legal immigrant myself, I might understandably react to Arizona’s new law on immigration even more strongly than a native might. Though I am not a Latino, this issue of potential tough enforcement affects every immigrant group in America. After all, while the Latinos are the biggest slice of the immigrant community, other foreign nationals have settled in this country as well.

Quoting Arizona SENATE BILL 1070:

FOR ANY LAWFUL CONTACT MADE BY A LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICIAL OR AGENCY OF THIS STATE OR A COUNTY, CITY, TOWN OR OTHER POLITICAL SUBDIVISION OF THIS STATE WHERE REASONABLE SUSPICION EXISTS THAT THE PERSON IS AN ALIEN WHO IS UNLAWFULLY PRESENT IN THE UNITED STATES, A REASONABLE ATTEMPT SHALL BE MADE, WHEN PRACTICABLE, TO DETERMINE THE IMMIGRATION STATUS OF THE PERSON. THE PERSON’S IMMIGRATION STATUS SHALL BE VERIFIED WITH THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.

As you can clearly see, this bill is not directed just against Latinos. And the last provision is the clincher. If they catch you on Friday night, you might spend the entire weekend in the slammer until the appropriate federal office is opened.

I wouldn’t like it if a cop stopped me in the mall and even took me to the police station after overhearing me speaking in my native language to my wife. However, I have to balance my desire for privacy with the need for security of my adopted country. I wouldn’t mind carrying my passport in my pocket to show it to law enforcement at a moment’s notice, although it’s both inconvenient and demeaning—if that would, for example, help to catch a member of a Russian or any Eastern European mafia. That would be, of course, if the Arizona law’s clincher were removed.

But I am not advocating a witch-hunt against immigrants, even if they are illegal. We can’t forget that America is both a humane and pragmatic country. We can’t corner people even if they have done something wrong, and yet we can’t condone criminal behavior. There should be a path to legality for all illegal immigrants, but it has to be a pragmatic and just one.

Some cost studies claim that illegal immigration costs U.S. taxpayers about $113 billion a year at the federal, state and local level. The bulk of the costs — some $84.2 billion — are absorbed by state and local governments.

So let’s make the illegals legal, then. Call it amnesty if you want. Call it what you want. Just give them a chance. But it should not be an entitlement. The following should be required of illegal immigrants to address the concerns of the Federal Government and local communities to make them legal:

1. Pay a fine for breaking the law—entering this country illegally. The fine should be sufficient to punish for breaking the law, but not so draconian as to cripple their finances.
2. Buy health insurance for themselves and their families.
3. Pay a special school tax, if they have school-age children, to cover the cost of second language teachers.
4. Submit to fingerprinting and other procedures for security purposes.
5. Learn English for quicker integration into the American society.
6. Be ready for immediate deportation if breaking other US laws.
7. And yes, carry Federal IDs.

Once they become legal, all restrictions should go away and the now lawful citizens should be embraced fully by society. A smart balance between the desires of the individual and the needs of the society is the path to truth and justice — and it’s not just the Arizonian, but the American way.

***

Mark Budman’s fiction and non-fiction have appeared or are about to appear in such magazines as Mississippi Review, Virginia Quarterly, The London Magazine, McSweeney’s, Turnrow, Southeast Review, Mid-American Review, the W.W. Norton anthology Flash Fiction Forward, and elsewhere. He is the publisher of a flash fiction magazine Vestal Review. His novel My Life at First Try was published by Counterpoint Press to wide critical acclaim.

SATURDAY POETRY SERIES PRESENTS: OLIVER DE LA PAZ

INSOMNIA AS TRANSFIGURATION
by Oliver de la Paz

Because the night is a scattering of sounds—blunt
branches hurtling to the ground, a nest stir, a sigh
from someone beside me. Because I am awake
and know that I am not on fire. I am fine. It’s August.

The scar on my neck, clarity—two curtains sewn.
A little door locked from the inside.

Nothing wants anything tonight. There are only stars
and the usual animals. Only the fallen apple’s wine-red crush.

Rabbits hurtle through the dark. Little missiles.
Little fur blossoms hiding from owls. Nothing wants
to be in this galaxy anymore. Everything wants the afterlife.

Dear afterlife, my body is lopped off. My hands
are in the carport. My legs, in the river. My head, of course,
in the tree awaiting sunrise. It dreams it is the owl,
a dark-winged habit. Then, a rabbit’s dash
to the apple, shining like nebulae. Then the owl
scissoring the air. The heart pumps its box of inks.

The river’s auscultations keep pace
with my lungs. Blame the ear for its attention. Blame
the body for not wanting to let go, but once a thing moves
it can’t help it. There is only instinct, that living “yes.”


(“Insomnia as Transfiguration” was originally published in diode, and is reprinted here today with permission from the poet.)


Oliver de la Paz is the author of three collections of poetry, Names Above Houses, Furious Lullaby (SIU Press 2001, 2007), and Requiem for the Orchard (U. of Akron Press 2010), winner of the Akron Prize for poetry chosen by Martìn Espada. He co-chairs the advisory board of Kundiman, a not-for-profit organization dedicated to the promotion of Asian American Poetry. A recipient of a NYFA Fellowship Award and a GAP Grant from Artist Trust, his work has appeared in journals like The Southern Review Virginia Quarterly Review, North American Review, Tin House, Chattahoochee Review, and in anthologies such as Asian American Poetry: The Next Generation. He teaches at Western Washington University.

Editor’s Note: “Because I am awake / and know that I am not on fire. I am fine. It’s August.” How could you not be blown away by a moment like that? Today’s poem is spotted with such moments, appearing between flashes of abstract images and ideas. “Nothing wants anything tonight… Nothing wants / to be in this galaxy anymore.” The idea of nothing being an entity of sorts, something capable of desire, is one such abstract idea, ever successful in its ability to get the reader’s mind to think outside the box.

Want to read more by and about Oliver de la Paz?
From the Fishouse
Guernica Mag
Linebreak
The Rumpus
Memali

The Coming Crisis of Op-Ed Food: Plenty of Plenty in the New Food Plutocracy

By Liam Hysjulien

[This piece was originally published in Truthout.]

As food prices, both in this country and abroad, continue their steady ascent, the amount we should pay for food remains a contested issue. In a February 21, 2011, Huffington Post article, Michelle Madden posits the question: Is food too cheap? While I commend Madden for brazenly tackling a difficult and heated subject, her conclusions suggest that our food-related problems are fundamentally issues of how we have come to value food and not in the food itself. Madden concludes that, “[w]e have driven costs so far out of the food system that in so doing we have not only driven down nutritional value, but driven out the notion of food being a precious resource.”[1] In this way, Madden seems to argue that the problems related to our poor diet, a trend I have described as a “caloric race to the bottom,” are the result of our inability to place adequate value on the precious commodity we call food. Following Madden’s logic, the consequence of having cheap food is that “we over-buy because it’s cheap and over-eat because we’ve bought it.”[2] But is that really always the case?

More recently, in a March 31, 2011, article, Francis Lam, senior writer at Salon, also raised the question of whether higher food prices are necessarily a bad thing. Instead of focusing, like Madden, on the way in which higher food prices can make food seem more valuable, Lam sees recent studies in the physiology of hunger as indicative of our biochemical drive to mindlessly consume food. For Lam, one way our biological impulse to overeat can be effectively countered is to provide less food in ostensibly the same size packaging. Lam concludes, “[w]e eat mindlessly, as a function of habit and instinct and so with a surplus of food, we are constantly overeating.”[3]

For both Lam and Madden, the argument over the positive effects that higher food prices can have on curbing our consumption of junk food is fraught with an overreliance on individual choice and a limited understanding of the structural inequalities plaguing our economic system. Both authors’ arguments remind me of a “smoke them out” approach – where higher food prices and smaller food quantities will serve as an impetus for changing people’s poor food choices. These arguments rest on the idea that since Americans spend a mere 10 percent of their income on food, the problem is one of priorities, not cost. Whether it’s the way in which lower prices devalue our food or a biological drive toward eating high-fat, high-sugar diets, these authors believe that higher food prices can have a positive effect on our eating habits.

Overall, the current food movement seems satisfied with the idea that having people spend more money on food, both in percentage of household budget and overall price of foodstuffs, will be a catalyst for improved diet and general well-being. While I am not denying that there is an argument to be made for higher food prices, I rarely, which is especially troubling in these painful economic times, see an adequate critique of class inequality and poverty enter into the food debate. While I read countless articles lamenting how much less Americans spend on food than Europeans, or debating whether food security is being measured properly, people in this country – and the rest of the world – are dealing with the brutal reality of higher costs of living and diminishing wages.

If we are going to be serious about addressing the problems of food in this country, we need to discuss class inequality, the stripping of social welfare programs and the erosion of a middle-class base. Food choices, especially the ones deemed poor or nutritionally low, are not only the byproducts of choice, but the realities of a society where growing inequalities have become coupled with limited upward mobility. When Madden writes, “America has always been the land of plenty, but we have plenty of plenty,” I wonder if we are both talking about the same country.

Americans have plenty of access to low-priced commodities, but – and this is especially apt when discussing cheap food – the plenty that we value bends considerably more toward cheap goods. And this is not merely Americans making poor food-purchasing choices, but, instead, the underlying reality of a market-based system predicated on low costs and declining wages. As Truthout contributor Dave Johnson remarks, we are living in a country where “[m]any people are finding it harder to just get by and stay even and expect that things will get worse for their kids.”[4] We are seeing the ramifications that emerge from a society wedded to the notion that growing inequality and cheapness at all cost is somehow economically viable. Americans could probably spend more money on food, learn how to grow their own food and strengthen family and community bonds through cooking and shared meals – all things I value in my own life – but where are the time and resources for such endeavors? Unless you are of that top 1 percent of earners benefiting from the last three decades of supply-side economics, you are engaged in financial self-survival – community-building through food be damned.

Are we really a society of plenty when real median income hasn’t changed over the last 14 years? And while we may spend less on food than people in other countries, we do spend considerably more on education and health care than our European counterparts. As a 2005 New Yorker article on the amount of hours that Americans work noted, “Americans spend more hours at the office than Europeans, they spend fewer hours on tasks in the home: things like cooking, cleaning and child care.”[5] In this era of fleeting job security and decreasing social safety nets, we work more, eat worse and socialize less. And obviously we have choices in all this – the poorness of our choices seem to be an emphasis of the current food movement – but the realities of slowing down, enjoying the simplicity of a home-cooked meal and eating more expensively now to save on future health care costs, run contrary to the values of our capitalist system.

As the social theorist Zgymunt Bauman once remarked, “all addictions are self-destructive; they destroy the possibility of ever being satisfied.”[6] Nowhere is the truth of this clearer than in our fragile system of cheap, plentiful food. We live in a society where advertisers spend billions of dollars a year to promote an ideology of fast, fun and affordable food – and it should be noted that a marginal proportion of advertising goes toward healthy food options. Even more revealing is research published in the Archives of General Psychiatry that explains how visual “food cues” (e.g. seeing an advertisement for a chocolate milkshake) can trigger responses in the brain similar to those found in drug addictions. As these relationships become better understood, the question of eating habits may shift away from rational choice explanations and instead toward food-related treatment programs.

The current food movement has succeeded in promoting a paradigm shift in the way we eat, grow and consume food, but a shallow understanding of class inequality does more harm than good for this nascent movement. If we stick to a perspective that food choices can be improved simply through higher prices or more public awareness, we are wedging a divide in a movement that should be predicated on inclusion for all. Market-based solutions cannot be the sole driving force in changing our eating habits. If economic inequality continues to grow and food-based welfare programs are cut to the bone, we will continue to see a caloric race to the bottom of cheaper food lead to an increasingly less healthy society. The culprits in our food crisis aren’t merely the juggernauts of Big Ag or the octopus-like fast food industry, but a system of structural inequalities that is drowning the poor and middle class.

Footnotes:

[1] Michelle Madden, “Is Our Food Too Cheap?” Huffington Post (February 21, 2011).

[2] Ibid.

[3] Francis Lam, “Is The Rise Of Food Prices All Bad?” Salon (March 31, 2011).

[4] Dave Johnson, “If You Are or Want to Be in the Middle Class,” Truthout (April 5, 2011).

[5] James Surowiecki, “No Work and No Play,” New Yorker (November 28, 2005).

[6] Zygmunt Bauman, “Liquid Modernity” 2001.

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Gary Johnson: Pro and Con

Before I was a leftist, I was a libertarian. I voted for the Libertarian Party presidential nominee in my first three U.S. general elections—1988, 1992, and 1996—and in 2000, I voted for George W. Bush, one of only 18 people in my Chicago precinct to do so (let it never be said that I am afraid to throw away my franchise). The candidate George W. Bush whom I rather indifferently hoped to see win the election was, it seemed to me, an affable do-nothing doofus, an unassuming place-holder: the new century’s “Silent Cal” Coolidge (at best) or Warren G. Harding (at worst). I voted for the George W. Bush who claimed to advocate staying out of preventive wars and spending vast sums on nation-building. How hard could that be? I expected the rather dim and chronically underachieving Bush to expend the greater part of his energies just avoiding embarrassment—maintaining a low profile and keeping his dick in his pants, things the last guy had failed to do. Not a lot to ask, but this was really all I wanted from a President.

Of course this was before the Florida ballot imbroglio and Bush v. Gore; before 9/11 and the War on Terror and the USA PATRIOT Act; before Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib; and before the insane mortgage bond derivatives bubble almost broke the world economy. This laundry list of fateful world-historical events made me vow never again to vote for a Republican candidate for the highest office. But it was the last item that made me renounce the Libertarian Party and its fetish for free and unregulated markets, and reconsider Marx.

That is, until recently. I first heard of former New Mexico Governor Gary Johnson’s Presidential campaign on Facebook, through a college friend who still waves the libertarian flag high. Though Johnson is running as a Republican, his platform issues—legalize marijuana and end the War on Drugs, streamline immigration, withdraw our forces from the Middle East and stop the corresponding offensive on civil liberties at home, provide strong tax incentives for businesses to stay in the U.S. and create new jobs—are all libertarian shibboleths (though Johnson prefers to call himself a “classical liberal,” which amounts to the same thing). Johnson is frequently compared to and seen as the heir apparent to Ron Paul, another libertarian who ran as a Republican candidate for President. In fact, Johnson is, if anything, more libertarian than Paul, whose anti-immigrant and pro-life views put him closer to old-school conservatism than libertarianism. In spite of his exclusion from a CNN debate among Republican candidates, Johnson possesses potential appeal with several disparate demographics, including Tea Partiers; Democrats, who made up some two-thirds of New Mexico’s electorate when he was governor of that state; younger voters, as evidenced by this favorable interview in Rolling Stone magazine; and business owners, enticed by Johnson’s advocacy of abolishing the corporate income tax.

So what’s my take on Johnson? Obviously, his stands on civil liberties, immigration, drug policy, and military issues are, if not perfectly aligned with the progressive line, as least the best that can be expected from a candidate who actually wants to win a primary election. His views on economic issues, however, cause me no small amount of trepidation. To understand why, we need to answer the question of why I disavowed libertarianism to begin with.

Two events that occurred between 2000 and 2002 deeply shook my faith in libertarian thought. First came the collapse of the dot-com bubble, the build-up to which I had witnessed in extreme close-up: from 1998 until 2000, I worked in the equity research department of an investment banking firm in Chicago which underwrote the initial public offerings of many tech and internet companies. The euphoria of those years was palpable; prudence and deliberation were put aside as share value (and thus the size of our commission and bonus checks) grew and the NASDAQ climbed. As the bubble burst and the bankruptcies began, the lesson I took away was: Contrary to libertarian economic theory, markets do not always behave rationally. When the Enron scandal broke the following year, it became abundantly clear to me that markets do not always operate honestly, transparently, and with society’s betterment in mind, either. As Enron employees lost their jobs and retirement savings, and shareholders watched stock prices plummet, I saw that the actions of a few greedy individuals could result in suffering for many thousands of unsuspecting “little people.”

Still, I clung doggedly to small-government, free-market doctrine for a number of years, despite my own desperate economic straits, which ironically resulted in my reliance on government assistance for several months. My final disillusionment came in 2007-2008, when I got a clerical job at a large law firm that represented numerous mortgage lending companies in civil complaints against defaulting homeowners—a “foreclosure mill.” Again, I saw firsthand—and even, to my shame, participated in—corporate greed, callousness, and duplicity, resulting once again in financial ruin for millions of ordinary people. Clearly, rich and powerful corporations, which I had believed to be noble, wealth- and job-creating entities that worked to counteract an inefficient and corrupt government bureaucracy, did not serve the best interests of society, or of anyone besides their officers and shareholders. They wreaked havoc on the global economy, the lives of their workers, and the environment. Government oversight, which I had thought of as a needless constraint on the Creative Force of the Marketplace, was indeed necessary to protect the public from plunder.

It is curious to me that the philosophical axiom underpinning much libertarian thought is the Panglossian notion, dating back to Adam Smith, that every actor in the Market behaves rationally and according to his own interests, but the Market as a whole serves the common good. (This idea is rapidly losing market share among modern economists, who integrate financial history with the findings of modern psychology, sociology, and even biology to develop more realistic models of economic behavior.) Since all economic players act selfishly but rationally, and the net result of their actions is the betterment of society as a whole, it is to everyone’s benefit to give every individual maximum freedom and minimal restraint, as long as his actions directly harm no one else. Regulation is unnecessary because, given rational producers and rational, self-interested consumers, market forces will reward the conscientious and discourage or punish the unethical. Hence the emphasis on personal liberty, and the distrust of government interference with markets (or government anything, for that matter).

So that’s my story, plus a vastly oversimplified thumbnail sketch of the theoretical basis of libertarianism. But getting back to Gary Johnson and the real world, in which political quid pro quo and compromise always trump political theory. Political candidates have lots of grand ideas and say lots of things to get elected, only some of them true or relevant. What candidate would I back in the 2012 election?

Given the readership of this website, I doubt I need to say anything about the rest of the Republican field—I would sooner vote for a dead cat. The real choice for me (excluding a third-party candidate) is between Gary Johnson and the Democratic incumbent, Barack Obama. And the only reason I’m even pressed to make a choice, given that the incumbent is supposedly “one of ours,” is Obama’s execrable performance in his first term. He simply has not delivered as promised, in terms of either advancing a progressive agenda (he has behaved as a de facto stealth Republican), or, really, of getting much accomplished at all.

So—Gary Johnson: selected pros and cons.

Pros:

  • Committed to civil liberties; favors an end to the War on Drugs and the surveillance and unlawful detention practices of the security state. This needs no elaboration, save to note that none of this police-state business has decreased even slightly under Obama, in spite of his campaign promises.
  • Committed to ending foreign military interventions and “nation-building,” with a concomitant decrease in defense spending and foreign aid. Huzzah!
  •  Supports an easier, more streamlined immigration process and a decrease in ineffectual border fences and patrols. Every candidate makes noises about immigration reform. Johnson, with his experience as the governor of a border state, believes, correctly, that (a) ending the Drug War will ameliorate much of the criminal cross-border activity; and (b) a more amenable visa process for those foreign nationals who work and go to school here is to everyone’s benefit, and would encourage those who receive their higher education in the U.S. to stay here and contribute to our economy. Being treated in good faith by the government, rather than with suspicion, would make foreign workers and students want to reciprocate and play by the rules themselves. Nobody wants to be an outlaw. They want a better life.
  • Supports domestic development of high-tech research and manufacturing. Encouraging foreign students to stay here and work is a part of this.

Cons:

  • Pro-business, to an almost monomaniacal degree. From Johnson’s campaign website: Reject auto and banking bailouts, state bailouts, corporate welfare, cap-and-trade, card check, and the mountain of regulation that protects special interests rather than benefiting consumers or the economy.” It’s not the rejecting corporate welfare and bailouts part that concerns me, or even the rejection of cap-and-trade (which I think is a rather dubious proposition in any case); the parts about card check and the “mountain of regulation” that benefits “special interests,” however, sets off alarm bells. Labor is a “special interest,” unworthy of the protections a union affords? Hmm. And exactly what fiefdom on the “mountain of regulation” should we get rid of first? The EPA? The FDA? The USDA? The SEC? None of these institutions has ever worked perfectly—although that’s mostly because of the influence of big business—but they’re the main obstacles to a total rape of the environment, unsafe food and drugs, pillaging mortgage companies, et cetera. Or maybe consumers are unworthy of these protections? In an interview, Johnson claims that a clean environment and safe food are beneficial to everyone, and thus corporations should voluntarily work toward these ends—the magical power of the Marketplace. I say: As if. The last I checked, a decade of steady government deregulation and “voluntary self-enforcement” in the financial services industry was the catalyst that led to the mortgage meltdown, which—I’ll say it again—nearly broke the global economy. Similarly, an early twentieth-century meatpacking industry that produced tainted food and a manufacturing industry that polluted the water and air had to be reined in by increased government regulation. Corporate self-regulation has proven again and again to be a bad joke.
  • Opposes clean energy. Or rather, supports business as usual, only with even more freedom for corporations to exploit the environment looking for fossil fuels, which amounts to the same thing. Apparently Johnson isn’t convinced that all his proposed promotion of high tech will lead to any serious developments in viable alternative energy sources.
  • Favors privatization of many government-owned and/or operated enterprises. This always sounds like such a great idea at first look, but, as the cities of Chicago and Indianapolis have discovered by privatizing their municipal parking authorities (for example), what seems like a great way to generate a windfall for a city in the short-term often turns into a long-term fiduciary loss, not to mention a source of endless headaches for the consumers of the privatized services. And on the state level, the trendy selling off or leasing for quick cash of actual infrastructure—turnpikes, toll bridges, ports—usually to foreign investors, can’t be a good idea.
  • Fetishistically obsessed with balancing the federal budget—immediately; favors radical restructuring of Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. It’s not exactly visionary to observe that the federal deficit is disturbingly large, to the extent that it’s jeopardizing the financial security of the entire country for generations. Nor is it terribly astute to claim that our system of entitlements for the elderly is broken and needs to be rethought. But by radically restructuring Johnson means “reduce spending on by 43%—Johnson is always eerily precise with this 43%; it’s meant to reflect that 43 cents of every budget dollar goes to servicing the national debt—so that the budget will be balanced right after I take office.” The budgets he plans to drastically cut include a few that I applaud: the military, the homeland security apparatus, drug and border enforcement. But there’s also a lot that would be extremely painful to many who have already suffered plenty because of the limping economy, i.e., children, the elderly, the sick, the needy—those already deep in debt and sinking fast.

And they call progressives “radical.”

There are, of course, other issues, such as education, where I applaud Johnson’s goals but question his planned means of achieving them (the answer is always—wait for it—privatization).

My (obvious) question in the face of all this sudden reform is, “Why doesn’t anybody want to implement these painful austerity measures when times are good and people can afford a little belt-tightening?” To which the (equally obvious) answer is, “Because it doesn’t seem necessary then.” It hardly seems fair to kick the underclass when they’re down, after they’ve already endured five years of economic hardship.

I am relieved and immensely gratified to see that we have a candidate running on a major party ticket who takes ideas like these seriously, and who seems to have the backbone to fight for them (although I thought the same about Mr. Obama). It is clear that hard choices need to be made, and the current crop of politicos is not up to the challenge of making them. But it is also clear that, in spite of my strong and deeply-held commitment to civil liberties, to a saner approach to drug and immigration policy, and to an end to interventionism and “wars of choice,” I find it terribly difficult to support these at the expense of condemning the increasingly invisible American underclass to more pain and neglect.

We will learn much in the coming months as the fruits of austerity measures become known in Europe, particularly Greece, Ireland, and Portugal. As I write, Greece especially seems to be barely holding at a simmer, waiting for the slightest further provocation to explode into more and deeper civil unrest.

Much also depends on what kind of Congress we see coming in with the 2012 election. Will the Tea Party gain ground again? If the circumstances are such that Gary Johnson has any hope of winning the nomination and the general election, I think we have to assume that this will be the case. Do we really want to hand total control of the government to a Republican majority heavily weighted with budget-slashing Tea Party- and libertarian-influenced members? Would our social fabric hold under the strain of such rapid enactment of reforms? And, more importantly, what real evidence is there that austerity and budget cuts are a helpful response to a struggling economy? History suggests that such a reaction may be counterproductive as well as unpopular and cruel. Just because the medicine tastes bad doesn’t necessarily mean it works.

So who am I going to vote for? Mmm, I’m thinking this guy.

SATURDAY POETRY SERIES PRESENTS: OCEAN VUONG

By Ocean Vuong:


TO LOVE WELL

is to place a hand
  on another’s chest and know
  that the heart only beats
  when locked in a cage
  of bone.


DEPARTURE

Dawn cracks: a lightning bolt
carving slowly through the clouds.

All night I listened to your breath.
Even tasted your lips
when the moon turned you pale
as a corpse.
I haven’t killed a thing

since the morning
we followed gunshots into a field
peppered with sparrows. Remember
how their necks twitched
beneath our thumbs? Before twisting,
I took some time to feel

the rage of wings against palm,
marveling at such fierce resistance
to mercy. Perhaps
it was selfish—I couldn’t bear
the sound of wings
flying nowhere.

Darling, forgive me. When you wake
and begin to flutter in the emptiness
still warm from my whispers,
I will be too far
from this field
to wrap my hands around
that little bird
                               in your chest.


(“To Love Well” and “Departure” were originally published in Diode. Both poems are reprinted here today with permission from the poet.)


Ocean Vuong: Born in Saigon, Vietnam, Ocean Vuong is the author of Burnings (Sibling Rivalry Press, 2010) and is currently an undergraduate at Brooklyn College, CUNY. His poems have received an Academy of American Poets Prize, the Beatrice Dubin Rose Award, the Connecticut Poetry Society’s Al Savard Award, as well as four Pushcart Prize nominations. Poems appear in Word Riot, Diode, Lantern Review, Softblow, and PANK, among others. Work has also been translated into Hindi, Korean, Vietnamese, and Russian. He lives in Brooklyn and is an avid supporter of animal rights and veganism.

Editor’s Note: I find Ocean Vuong at once inspiring and inhibiting. Like Rimbaud before him, I am in awe of Ocean’s extreme talent and numerous accomplishments at his age, and at the same time I am inhibited by feelings of inferiority when considering both his written word and his accolades. I’ll try to err on the side of inspiration and say that I am honored to be sharing a city, a school, and a genre with this exceptionally gifted poet. Ordinarily I would share with you some of my favorite moments from today’s poems, but I am honestly in awe of every word, every beat, every line. I urge you to read and re-read today’s poems; it is like breathing a new kind of air. I also urge you to consider buying Ocean’s first chapbook, Burnings, to support both this up-and-coming artist and Sibling Rivalry Press, an on-the-rise press you should be keeping an eye on.

Want to read more by and about Ocean Vuong?
Ocean Vuong’s Blog
Buy Ocean Vuong’s book, Burnings
An interview with PANK magazine

Rites of Passage

Spin the Bottle. Photo credit: Flickr user atsealevel.

I’ve been asked to explain a bit about the personal essays I often contribute to this blog. I wrote most of them for the popular “Readers Write” feature in my favorite literary magazine, The Sun. Each month they propose a topic like “Rites of Passage” and invite readers to contribute their own stories. Of the submissions they receive—sometimes as many as a thousand—they publish the most interesting. An abridged version of this essay appears in the current print edition of The Sun (June 2011).

Rites of Passage
By John Unger Zussman

In seventh grade, my peer group began to play kissing games at parties. Spin the Bottle, Seven Minutes in Heaven—tame stuff, in retrospect, but to me it seemed intimidating and immoral and I wanted no part of it. Entering adolescence shortly after my father died, I had no adult male hand to guide me. (I did have an older friend who breathlessly explained that babies resulted when the boy peed into a little hole in the girl. I knew that couldn’t be right.)

It’s not that I wasn’t interested in girls; I was desperately interested, and spent many nights agonizing over how to get them to like me. No, it was sex I wasn’t interested in, even when I got the story straight. I had absorbed a strict moral code from my mother and was convinced that sex before marriage was wrong. I was after girls’ admiration and love, and I believed I would win that by respecting them.

I didn’t leave the parties when the games began; I would simply not partake. For a while, my best friend felt the same way, and we would watch awkwardly from the edge of the circle. But soon, he succumbed too, and I was left to uphold my moral code alone.

(Years later, I asked my mother what she thought of the way I abstained from those games. “I thought you were dumb,” she told me bluntly. Thanks a lot, Mom. Now you tell me. All I needed was someone to explain that girls were sexual beings too, and that they were just as curious about exploring those feelings as I was, if not quite so driven or tormented.)

By the time I started dating in tenth grade, I had decided that kissing, at least, was permissible. My dates and I spent hours necking, in my car or in their living room, at summer camp or youth group retreats. One girl, bored with kissing, urged me to go further. Her previous boyfriend had a serious disease, she explained, that had pushed them into early intimacy. Despite her clear invitation, I was immobilized by impending guilt.

And so the task was left to Wendy, my girlfriend at the beginning of senior year. Exasperated after yet another marathon make-out session, she took my hand and placed it gently on her breast. That act of mercy opened the floodgates, and for that, Wendy, my wife and I are forever grateful.

Copyright © 2011, John Unger Zussman. All rights reserved.

SATURDAY POETRY SERIES PRESENTS: KEETJE KUIPERS, REVISITED

By Keetje Kuipers:

THE OPEN SPACES

She said it was a place that held nothing
but sadness for her. Still, I think I could
lie down in it forever, head resting
in the sagebrush flats. I told her I once had a man

who drove us past every chapel in Vegas
threatening to turn in. But I’m wedded
to the burlap hillsides and bearded drivers
of pickups, my dog’s face the shadow

in my rearview mirror. With all this light,
I don’t need water, don’t need the river’s
green lung. I can take up the sadnesses
that surround me, these small ones

of dust in the air, of weeds that climb
the ditches until yellow is the worst
color. Semis that make the dead
bird’s feathers fly again, the deer’s tail

leap from the gravel of the road. She
can go home to the farmer’s sunless chest
under his shirt. I’ll sleep beneath
mountains still choosing which name

they want to take. If I’ve learned anything
about myself, this is where I belong:
with the dead scattered where we hit them,
the engine ticking as it cools under my hand.


DOLORES PARK

In the flattening California dusk,
women gather under palms with their bags

of bottles and cans. The grass is feathered
with the trash of the day, paper napkins

blowing across the legs of those who still
drown on a patchwork of blankets. Shirtless

in the phosphorescent gloom of streetlamps,
they lie suspended. This is my one good

life—watching the exchange of embraces,
counting the faces assembled outside

the ice-cream shop, sweet tinge of urine by
the bridge above the tracks, broken bike lock

of the gay couple’s hands, desperate clapping
of dark pigeons—who will take it from me?


(“The Open Spaces” and “Dolores Park” were originally published in The Offending Adam. Both poems are reprinted here today with permission from the poet.)


Keetje Kuipers is a native of the Northwest. She earned her B.A. at Swarthmore College and her M.F.A. at the University of Oregon. She has been the recipient of fellowships from the Vermont Studio Center, Squaw Valley Community of Writers, Oregon Literary Arts, and Soapstone. In 2007 she completed her tenure as the Margery Davis Boyden Wilderness Writing Resident, which provided her with seven months of solitude in Oregon’s Rogue River Valley. She used her time there to complete work on her book, Beautiful in the Mouth, which was awarded the 2009 A. Poulin, Jr. Poetry Prize and was published in March 2010 by BOA Editions. It contains poems previously published in Prairie Schooner, West Branch, Willow Springs, and AGNI, among others. You can also listen to her read her work—which has been nominated five years in a row for the Pushcart Prize—at the online audio archive From the Fishouse. Keetje has taught writing at the University of Montana and is currently a Wallace Stegner Fellow at Stanford University. In the 2011-2012 academic year, Keetje will serve as the Emerging Writer Lecturer at Gettsyburg College. At the moment, she divides her time between San Francisco and Missoula, Montana, where she lives with her dog, Bishop, and does her best to catch a few fish.

Editor’s Note: Well, this is embarrassing, but I’m determined to make lemonade out of lemons and take this opportunity to open up our discussion about poetry from today’s little mishap. You see, when I went to prepare today’s post, featuring a poet I had secured reprint permission from a couple of weeks ago, I discovered that my co-editor, who edits the weekly Friday Poetry Series here on As It Ought To Be, had shared the work of Keetje Kuipers on her series yesterday. At the time I made the discovery it was too late to secure permission from another poet, and so here we are, looking at the work of Keetje Kuipers for a second day in a row. This little blunder, however, gives us a chance to think about what draws us to poetry.

While my co-editor and I both read The Offending Adam, from whence today’s poems came. But the poem my co-editor shared yesterday actually came from a different journal altogether. Somehow both of us found today’s poet in the poetry world at large and were both drawn enough to her skill with words that we each wanted to share her work with you.

Are these poems that everyone would like? Is there such a thing? What is it about today’s poet that we both found so captivating? My co-editor and I both like Walt Whitman and Federico Garcia Lorca. Is there such a thing as a poet who is so universal in their way with words that everyone who reads them is drawn to their work? Poetry, like any form of art, is subjective. And yet, there are some who are so adept that most people agree on an appreciation of their work. Keetje Kuipers, apparently, is among the next generation of such artists.

As for me and my co-editor, it is fitting that our friendship came about as a result of our involvement with this site, and that we became friends in San Francisco, the city that houses the Dolores Park written of above. We have both left San Francisco, and yet, when it comes to poetry, our hearts and minds clearly still reside in the same place. Much love, Lezlie. Great minds clearly think alike!

Want to read more by and about Keetje Kuipers?
Keetje Kuipers Official Website

Consider the Rant: A Book Review

Consider the Rant

by Okla Elliott

On Pain of Speech: Fantasies of the First Order and the Literary Rant
Dina Al-Kassim
University of California Press
ISBN 978-0-520-25925-6
$34.95 Paperback
$28.00 E-Book

In Dina Al-Kassim’s new book On Pain of Speech: Fantasies of the First Order and the Literary Rant, she takes up (among other things) Michel Foucault’s interest in the limit-experience of reading certain texts (particularly Georges Bataille) and turns it around by asking what it means to write such a text—that is, under what conditions, with what linguistic tools, and to what purposes such texts are written. Al-Kassim focuses mostly on Oscar Wilde, Jane Bowles, and Abdelwahab Meddeb—giving each of these authors an entire chapter—and makes regular use of Georges Bataille, Charles Baudelaire, and Aimé Césaire, thus making her project an utterly comparative one that insists on its portability across national and linguistic borders.

The basic argument of the book runs as follows: Speaking truth to power has been co-opted by institutions of power in many instances; these institutions, such as elite universities, exclude more people than they include, thus making them part of the Foucauldian schema of the microphysics of power in society (as he lays out in Society Must Be Defended and other works); therefore, the rant (whose tradition harkens back, Al-Kassim explains, to the “rakish libertinage” of the seventeenth century) is often the only form of discourse available to the dispossessed or the subaltern. She is clear, however, that the literary rant is not a genre. “Postscripts, letters, afterwords: marginal genres aat the edges of masterful texts are often the site of the rant’s emergence, but what I am calling the rant is not a genre in itself.” Al-Kassim engages yet further definition by privation, emphasizing that the literary rant is also not parrhesia (“fearless speech”). It is a speech act or series of speech acts that run counter to the powered entities of a society, but it is not necessarily confrontational (though it can be and often is). The essential aspect of the literary rant is that it is unintelligible speech that takes place when no speech is possible.

The theoretical DNA of On Pain of Speech can be easily determined by a quick look at its paratextual elements. The book opens with three epigraphs—one from the philosopher-pornographer Georges Bataille, one from Michel Foucault, and one from Judith Butler. By picking a single line from each of the epigraphs, we can get a reasonable picture of the project Al-Kassim has put before herself. From the Bataille epigraph: “Qu’on me fasse taire (si l’on ose)!”; from Foucault: “We are dealing . . . with a discourse that turns the traditional values of intelligibility upside down.”; and, finally, Butler: “This relation to the Other does not precisely ruin my story or reduce me to speechlessness, but it does, invariably, clutter my speech with signs of its undoing.” A look in the Index lets us see that there are fifty-one references to Freud and sixty-three to Lacan, six for Judith Butler, but only two for Jameson and two for Derrida. This is fitting since Al-Kassim uses many psychoanalytic terms and tries to rethink (rather successfully) Lacan’s theory of foreclosure, and she focuses considerably more on speech acts as they constitute the self than on speech acts qua speech acts. It is surprising, however, to see that Gayatri Spivak receives only one mention in the book, and that her widely influential essay “Can the Subaltern Speak?” is not the occasion of this single reference—surprising because Al-Kassim’s central effort could be seen as exploring how the subaltern attempts speech via the rant.

Here I feel compelled to point out that Al-Kassim chooses never to clearly define what a literary rant is. This is not to suggest that she does not give ample examples and even certain quasi-universal features to literary rants, but it would be anathema to the nature of a literary rant, as Al-Kassim conceives it, for it to have rigid genre specifications. Its purpose is precisely to explode genre specifications and expectations.

Al-Kassim’s analysis could profitably be applied to much modernist and avant-garde writing, ranging from the feminist-experimentalist Gertrude Stein to the Communist-Dadaist Tristan Tzara to many contemporary post-colonial avant-garde artists (such as the Raqs Collective in India). It can also, however, be applied to the fascist-Futurist Filippo Tomaso Marinetti and others of his ilk productively, though given the book’s focus on leftist and post-colonial resistance, it might come as a surprise to Al-Kassim to see her work thus employed. As she conceives her theoretical model, it is already remarkably portable across decades and nations and movements, but it has an even larger scope than the author herself seems to give it. So long as the writing in question “turns the traditional values of intelligibility upside down” and challenges the dominant paradigm of thought at a given time, it seems it could be profitably read through the lens of Al-Kassim’s book.

This wide portability and the refreshingly readable prose of the book make On Pain of Speech an ideal text for courses on post-colonialism, Modernism, and avant-garde literatures at the advanced undergraduate level and beyond.

[This piece was originally published in Inside Higher Education online.]